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Komala was established in the fall of 1969 by a group of Kurdish student leaders and intellectuals as an independent political organization. Because of the monarchy's dictatorship and tyranny which did not tolerate the slightest political activities, it, very much like all other political organizations, had to commence its activities in secret as an underground organization.
The establishment of Komala at the time originated from a series of deep social, political and cultural upheavals in the Kurdish and Iranian society. On the other hand, it considered and introduced itself as both a response and a solution to those demands put forward by the upheavals. The formation of Komala was followed by its active participation and leading role during the events of the Iranian revolution and later on by its engagement in the popular Kurdish resistance and liberation movements. Being actively involved in the political and social struggles of Kurdistan, it entered a new phase by adopting a new form and new core values. The changes were partly related to the national circumstances. The economic reforms of the early 1960's, under the monarchy, were implemented under the political and economic influences, both domestic and global.
The collapse of the feudalistic infrastructure and its accompanying closed economy pushed Iran completely towards the free market and the needs for the international capital and investments. Outstanding developments in urbanization and the emergence of a job-seeking working class resulted in the migration of these job-seekers from less developed areas like Kurdistan to the more developed cities and manufacturing centers in other parts of the country. In addition, more regular people now had the opportunity to attend colleges and universities. Being exposed to these new experiences led to new demands imposed by the new lifestyle.
The modernization resulted in cracks in the traditional society and its old relations, the eradication of patriarchy and the formation of a new generation, not satisfied with the old way of living, seeking its fair share of benefits from the country's wealth and power. Now a relatively large number of women were entering the market and schools. These changes made tremendous transition in the world outlook, culture, perception and spirit of various communities and professional and social classes including labor, women, and youths. And, it brought with itself new social, educational and economic demands and ambitions that could not be not translated into politics and political competition.
The above-mentioned transformations in the Iranian society, together with the intensification of totalitarianism and the political strangulation by the ruling monarchy, resulted in fundamental changes in the concepts and methods of political struggle and the composition and arrangement of the political opposition in Iran.
The traditional forces in the arena of politics in Iran gradually lost their influence and were pushed to the edges and new political forces started to take over their place. These new forces were comprised mainly of students, graduates, and the educated professionals who were coming together in the many scattered new organizations, circles and groups. And, in most cases, they were under severe pressure by the totalitarian regime through oppression, imprisonment and torture; therefore, the members of such organizations were not able to maintain their activities for long periods.
From the early 1970's, religion and religious values had been radicalized and used as a political ideology to infiltrate and create interest amongst the intellectuals and students just to be observed later in the Iranian revolution. The originally freedom-seeking revolution was taken over by a cleric-controlled theocratic rule.
As a new player in the political and intellectual arena in Iran's Kurdistan, Komala was influenced by these transformations and events, and at the same time it would leave its own deep impression on the new generation in those days in Kurdistan. The changes in the region and in Kurdistan in those years were very outstanding and effective, and they played a significant role in the initial formation of Komala. The emergence of Komala was a response to the new questions which resulted in bringing about new concepts into the political life of the Kurdish and Iranian people. Thanks to Komala's contributions, the Kurdish patriotism would now be integrated candidly with the right to self-determination and also with a new political platform which was progressive and democratic in nature. Komala provided a new opportunity for discussing and modernizing such concepts as citizens' rights and women's rights and their role in decision-making and leadership. Komala was a clear response to a national question from a modern, progressive and democratic viewpoint which was in sharp contract to the values promoted by the Ayatollas.
Despite numerous arrests, imprisonments, and tortures during the monarchy, Komala came out victorious and managed to preserve the main body of its cadres and members. For this reason, during the Iranian Revolution and the Kurdish movement it could step forward in the movement with a network of experienced activists who were well-known and popular amongst the people and for this very same reason, Komala was the main organizer and leader of the demonstrations, strikes and protests in the Kurdish region of Iran during the Iranian Revolution.
During a deacde of the underground activities from 1969 to 1979, many new political concepts including liberties and freedoms were introduced to the people by members of Komala at a high price. One can summarize Komala's policies, values and practices as follows: A. Unlike Tuda Party which was totally dependent on the former Soviet's model of government for its policies and beliefs, Komala did not consider the model as practical to the Kurdish community and considered it a narration primarily in the service of the foreign policy of the Soviet Union. While Komala borrowed and localized some concepts from the neighboring country, it did not agree with the ideology as a whole. Pro-Soviet, anti-American organizations including the Tudeh Party committed notorious mistakes with horrible consequences. As a progressive and democratic force, Komala did not accept such theory and practice, and in fact, criticism of the Soviet Union was one of its founding political principles. The difference could be noticed in Komala's position during the mayhem of the [US] Embassy occupation and the hostage crisis; while many organizations considered this event a revolutionary act and ended in endorsing it under the impression of public fascination, Komala, without any hesitation, condemned the act and called it a reactionary demagogy, a political mistake and a violation of international diplomatic rules and regulations. Komala believed the hostage crisis was only serving to strengthen the basis of the dictatorship of Velayate Faghih [rule of jurisprudent] and the clerics were using the crisis to mislead and distract the movement and finally crush other opposition groups. B. While Komala did believe in the necessity of overthrowing the Shah's regime, it did not accept nor endorse violence-promoting methods. Instead, we believed that the fundamental change ought to be brought about as a consequence of the development and growth of popular civil movements. We strongly believed in the role of mass demonstrations, protests and social movements as a vital factor for any socio-political change.
C. Believing in the pivotal role of social movements in any social transformation and supporting them were part of Komala's political and theoretical foundations. Komala believed in building and developing a network of connections with different social constituencies and professional unions. This vision has placed Komala in a unique place amongst the progressive political organizations. D. Giving importance to theoretical and political beliefs and core values. Komala members have been taught to follow and promote the priorities and core values of the organization including democracy, social and political liberties, freedoms of religion and speech, and women rights and to place national benefits over their personal and organizational preferences.
That was how Komala was able to enter the Iranian Revolution and the widespread Kurdish movement as a progressive political organization to soon become a major player in the political developments both regionally and nationally.
For Komala the time between the Iranian Revolution and the order of assault by Khomeini on August 19, 1979 was a period of most widespread civil organization. During that short period, Kurdistan enjoyed a relative safety and freedom prior to the expedition by the Islamic Republic, Komala took the initiative to form professionals' unions and workers', women's, teachers 'and students' organizations and also founded circles of culture, literature, poetry and theater in the urban and suburban areas of Kurdistan. In this period, Kurdistan experienced an unprecedented political and cultural flourishing. This period coincided with the time when Komala was offering new concepts, slogans and methods of struggle into the Kurdish society. With the order of assault by Khomeini on August 19, 1979, a new era commenced in the history of Kurdistan and an all-out resistance was born against this onslaught for the preservation of the values and freedoms the Kurds were promoting and enjoying. The Islamic Republic Regime started its assault by utilizing false excuses, but in reality the real reason behind the assault was that the reactionary and theocratic government could not tolerate a free and freedom-seeking Kurdistan. A Kurdistan without the dominance and hegemony of the fundamentalist clergy and pseudo-fascist aggressive Hezbolah mobs; a place where cinemas and entertainment centers were not set on fire; no attacks on Baha'i dwellings and shops were reported; the community was free from compulsory Hijab, beatings and throwing acid on women; free from attacks on popular councils and institutions; free from closures and banning the independent and freedom-seeking press; where there was no news of attacks on the students and political organizations; but in total contrast, within the framework of our abilities, we promoted all these freedoms and liberties in real terms. A Kurdistan, with a secular and democratic movement from the very beginning, could not be tolerated by a state that was dreaming and working to take Iran 1500 years back and had its hands on the wealth and power of the country.
The liberated Kurdistan, often referred to as the free and safe island, had to be drowned in the ocean of petrifaction, demagogy and reaction. Kurdistan had to pay a high price for the freedom and safety; for the establishment of the rule of Velayat-e-faghih [rule of jurisprudent] in Iran, the authorities had to go through the suppression of Kurdistan. Therefore, they assaulted it with iron and fire. "The Resistance Movement of the Kurdish People", as it was known in those days, would embrace actions such as civilized social and political disobedience to Pishmargah and armed resistance. More than any other political forces, it was Komala that inspired the resistance of the Kurdish people against the onslaught on the Kurdistan and in practice, immediately after the assault order by Khomeini, Komala decided on the preparation and organization of a public resistance in a historical and strategic decision, and it effectively was placed at the top of this resistance. The widespread and strong-willed people's resistance managed to impose a defeat on the invading forces of the Islamic Republic within three months and the regime was forced to enter into dialog with the representatives of the Kurdish people. The Representative Committee of the Kurdish People, which comprised of the representatives of the political parties and public figures in the Kurdish movement was the fruit of the co-operation of those forces. Although they accepted the dialogs unwillingly, the rulers of the Islamic Republic were busy reorganizing and fortifying their forces in full for yet another future widespread onslaught on the Kurdish region. In the meantime, they were trying to cause disunity amongst the Kurdish parties and stopped at nothing to disintegrate and destroy the Representative Committee of the Kurdish People and attempted to arrange separately-held negotiations and collusions with parties involved. Finally, after an interval of several months, once again there was a massive military assault launched by the Islamic Republic on Kurdistan in March 1980 and once again the cities and villages of Kurdistan were subject to attacks by tanks, artillery, ground and air forces and once again the resistance and the solidarity of the people of Kurdistan manifested itself spectacularly. After several years of bloody and inhumane conflicts, eventually the terrorists of IRGC and the oppressive forces of the Islamic Republic managed to occupy this land but they never managed to crush the will of the people or force them on their knees. During this relentless and legitimate resistance, Komala lost more than two thousands of its best Peshmarga members.
The project of re-generation of Komala, a result of many years of debates and political and theoretical discussions, was materialized in 2000 and was the third important milestone in the life of Komala. At that milestine, the Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan managed once again to hold its rightful position in the Kurdish society and Iran by critically re-examining parts of its outlook, policies and old methods that had been adopted during previous years.
By this re-generation, Komala managed to rely on newly-adopted real, popular and progressive norms and policies and by taking into consideration the global changes; once again it found its deserving place as a progressive and a modern Kurdish organization, a social democratic political party that is able to upgrade its policies and goals. This widespread ideological and political re-generation could produce a new enthusiasm, hope and self-confidence for the long-term activists, members and fans of Komala and the people of Kurdistan. By doing so it paved the way for opening new political horizons in Kurdistan. The Komala position and its popularity during the movements, protests and demonstrations in recent years have proved the correctness and accuracy of Komala's policies more than ever.
As far as its political goals are concerned, the Komala Party of the Iranian Kurdistan as a social democratic party supports a free, democratic and federal Iran and believes in social justice and freedom. Komala considers itself first and foremost a defender of the human rights, women rights, and freedom of religion and speech.
Komala has put the following at the top of its long list of social, religious and cultural priorities: securing social justice; creating equal opportunities; a progressive labor law; freedom of trade unions and organizations; providing social security including unemployment insurances; free universal health service; providing free education for all Iranian children and youths, including the right to receive education in the mother tongue and defending their rights for securing developmental and recreational facilities. .
The Komala Party of the Iranian Kurdistan places particular emphasis on total democratization of social and political life in the Iranian society and in doing so, it fights for: complete separation of the state and religion; complete equality between women and men's rights; complete political freedoms; freedom of speech and press; freedom of political parties, organizations and trade unions; freedom of religion; a democratic, modern and progressive constitution; abolition of national, ethnic, linguistic, gender and religious suppression and discriminations in Iran. Komala is of the belief that without a democratic solution to national, ethnic, cultural and religious discriminations in Iran, the accomplishment of a lasting and real democracy in the country is impossible; therefore, it seeks a federative system, where all nationalities including the Kurdish nationality in the Kurdish region of Iran are able to run their own affairs through their self-elected organizations. As regards to the future of political structure of the state in Iran, Komala supports a democratic, secular, pluralist and federative system. Even before the Islamic Republic takes power, which has been holding it for more than 30 years now, Komala has been against the political Islam and fundamentalism and in the history of Kurdistan has been well known as a decisive and unambiguous party and has never compromised in the least with the Islamic Republic Regime and its theoretical and political foundations.
Since the beginning of its establishment in 1969, Komala has clearly emphasized on the right to self-determination for the Kurdish nation and has always been at the forefront of struggle for securing national rights of the Kurdish nation and a program of action. Komala is the very first political party in the Iranian Kurdistan that has adopted federalism in their party program which has been accepted and welcomed by the public opinion and has become the main demand of the Kurdish people and has found its place as an acceptable and logical structure for the future of Iran amongst the political forces in the country. Komala calls for a peaceful solution to the question of Kurds and continues to work for the accomplishment of such a solution in future. However Komala recognizes the legitimate right of Kurdish people to resist and self-defense against coercion, violence and military suppression. Komala also views the Kurdistan people's resistance against unjustified attacks and aggressions by the Islamic Republic totally just and necessary and considers it one of the glorious pages in the history of Kurdish people's struggle.
Now Komala is a social democratic political party from the Kurdish region of Iran. Komala has been seeking a secular democratic federal ruling system to replace the current theocratic regime. The Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan as a family of international social democracy emphasizes on the freedom of all religions and declares itself neutral towards all religions. Emphasizing on this particular point, with respect to religious discrimination of the Islamic Republic, makes it doubly important. Religious beliefs or disbeliefs are a personal matter and must be free from state's interference or aggression. All religions, be it Sunnite, Shiite, Yaresaan, Christianity, Jewism, Bahai's and all other religions are free in the liberated Kurdistan; Any abuse, discrimination, animosity and hate mongering in any form or shape based on religious beliefs, which is a reactionary legacy of the Islamic Republic, should be thrown in the dust bin of the history together with this very Regime. Komala recognizes the Human Rights Charter and strives to make it the basis for living and a rationale for the state and the people all over Iran including Kurdistan. Consequently, Komala supports the abolition of executions and stands for including it in the future constitution of Iran. Komala respects, emphasizes and protects pluralism in Iran and Kurdistan, as a by-product of socio-political growth, development for delivering the society to modernity and believes that a return to political party monopolies and single-party systems are neither possible nor useful, because it prevents the society from political and intellectual flourishing and a healthy competition. Under such conditions, the question of the unity of struggles of the people of Kurdistan, which still holds a vital importance, must be achieved and secured through political co-operations, alliances and Kurdish fronts in order to prevail over this shortcoming. Komala, as always, rejects the use of violence in free political competitions, including amongst political groups and parties of the Kurdish movement and believes the political destiny of Kurdistan must be determined by people's decision through ballot boxes. In support of this principle, Komala has been a major player and founding member in the formation of both regional and national alliances including the Center of Cooperation of Iranian Kurdish Organizations, Unity for Democracy in Iran (UDI), Solidarity for Freedom and Equality (2018), Council of Iranian Supporters of Democracy (2016), and Iran Transition Council (ITC).